Summer 2017

    Issue: Summer 2017

    Table of Contents

    • Priscilla Feral was born wired for confrontation…and with a deep love for animals and nature pumping through her veins. It’s no wonder that in 1974 she was hired on the spot by Alice Herrington, the first president of Friends of Animals, an international non-profit animal rights organization, which is celebrating its 60th anniversary this year.

      When Feral asked about the job description for FOA’s public information director position, Herrington told her she needed “to be able to stir up a hornet’s nest.” Feral, who took over as president in 1987 when Herrington retired, has been doing that since she joined the FoA staff.

       In the 1980s Feral and FoA garnered national attention for tipping off a major Connecticut newspaper that U.S. Surgical Corporation in Norwalk, Conn., a manufacturer of surgical staplers, was needlessly using and killing thousands of dogs each year in the course of training its salespeople to demonstrate and market its products.

       The investigative piece featured exclusive interviews with former Surgical employees and sales operatives who detailed the tortures inflicted on the dogs. FoA then initiated a campaign to widely publicize the company’s cruelty and to further expose its entire animal-abusing network, from unscrupulous dog dealers and salespeople who operated on dogs, to the insensate profiteers running USSC—chief among them the company’s founder Leon Hirsch. FoA held more than 100 demonstrations outside U.S. Surgical attracting thousands of protestors.


      Because of that effort, more than 20,000 physicians and surgeons came to agree with FoA’s position, that what U.S. Surgical was doing was non-essential and unconscionable.

      When FoA became a target of infiltrators and was bugged by microphones planted by U.S. Surgical, Feral and two other advocates disguised themselves in wigs and garish outfits so they could gather information at a shareholders’ meeting and remain undetected. It wouldn’t be the last time Feral had to go “undercover.”

       In 2006, before FoA filed a lawsuit to ban the trophy hunting of endangered African antelopes in the United States, Feral pretended to be a freelance writer and took a tour of one of the Texas ranches where the killings take place.

      Feral has been instrumental in evolving the organization from its humble beginnings as the most comprehensive low-cost spay neuter program in the country to an organization that places critical habitat, wildlife protection and veganism at the core of animal advocacy and has become the lead wild horse advocacy group in the nation.

      The gutsiness of the group that continues today is a reflection of Herrington and Feral. In its early years FoA changed the face of North American animal advocacy, eschewing mere regulation of exploitative practices and instead seeking prohibitions, including hunting, trapping, poisoning and killing animals for fur.

       Herrington’s struggle in the late 1960s to end kosher slaughter exemplified the early tensions between vegetarian ethics and cultural norms. Herrington staunchly maintained that a true ethic of respect would transcend human cultural differences. In 1975, Friends of Animals issued a 24-page pamphlet recommending “complete relief from participation in the confining, breeding, rearing and slaughter of animals for food products.”

       Before Feral joined FoA, she was working at a company in Wilton, Conn., that had been illegally stockpiling whale oil for use in one of its cosmetics. “I blew the whistle, called the Department of Commerce to investigate, checked out at the end of work that day and vowed not to return,” recalled Feral.

      “I realized I had likely blown my chances of working for a profit-driven corporation, and after a career-counseling meeting with an all-female feminist group, I applied to Friends of Animals. I had been a member of Friends of Animals since having two kittens spayed and neutered in 1969, and the idea I could work for a group that captured my heart seemed remarkable.” FoA’s mission today goes well beyond advocacy with hands on work.


      In 2007, FoA took over management of a primate sanctuary in Texas that cares for more than 350 animals. The relationship with Primarily Primates began in 1988 when Feral came across three monkeys and a chimpanzee named Joe in a rundown roadside zoo in New Orleans when she was on a lunch break from the Summit for Animals, a yearly event she attended.

      “ I offered the owner a personal check of $100 to purchase the primates, and after he accepted it, I returned to the meeting, asking the lawyers in attendance for help,” Feral recalled. “Then a friend from San Antonio told me to call Primarily Primates. The sanctuary accepted the monkeys and chimpanzee, and when I visited them a couple of months later, they had all been successfully worked into social groups, were living outside and appeared to thrive.  

      I considered that a miracle and felt Friends of Animals should become a friend of the sanctuary and support them each year to help with animal care and renovations. In 2007, we took over management of the sanctuary.”

      FoA also sponsors the remarkable Chimpanzee Project in The Gambia in Africa, as well as funds the protection and recovery of three endangered African antelope species—scimitar-horned oryxes and two species of gazelles, in Senegal.

       “From my first trip to West Africa in March 1989 to Liberia, I was devoted to creating or assisting a chimpanzee sanctuary in the chimpanzees’ African homeland,“ Feral said. “After setbacks in Liberia and Ghana due to civil or tribal wars, we were invited to partner with the Gambian government and Janis Carter to sponsor the Chimpanzee Rehabilitation Project at the River Gambia National Park in 2008. In 2000, we first supported Carter’s work to census free-living chimpanzees in Senegal, and through this field work met other conservationists in Senegal who became essential to assisting us with anti-poaching work in Niokolo Koba National Park.”

      FoA’s anti-poaching work also included providing airplanes to Kenya Wildlife Service as well as supporting training for pilots. Whether its work in the United States or abroad, Feral has never thought about giving up.

      “I’m not a quitter, and I haven’t found FoA’s substance or style duplicated in the animal advocacy or environmental field. “I’ve never thought about throwing in the towel, even experiencing how grisly fighting wolf hunters in the government and in the field is,” Feral said.

      ALASKAN WOLVES Friends of Animals took on wolf hunters when it launched a successful tourism boycott of Alaska in 1992. After 53 howl-ins in 51 cities across the United States, Gov. Walter Hickel cancelled a horrible planned wolf control program. “Howlers” would ask members of the public to pledge their support of the tourism boycott of Alaska by filling out postcards, which were then sent to the governor.

       The travel industry even supported FoA’s boycott—putting the economic screws to Hickel’s administration. Hickel later called for a Wolf Summit in January 1993, where Feral befriended the late wolf biologist Gordon Haber, a fierce wolf advocate. FoA would go on to commission some of Haber’s startling, crucial findings.

       Another tourism boycott with accompanying howl-ins was called in 1993 when another wolf-control program was activated. By January 1994, Friends of Animals had organized another 90 wolf “howl-ins” across the U.S. in many dozens of cities, publicizing them through membership and paid advertising along with approximately 50 organizations that offered support.

       When Tony Knowles became governor in 1994 and replaced Hickel, Alaska saw eight years of progressive changes for wolves. “We dug in in Alaska. We used every resource we had; we threw everything in but the kitchen sink and used whatever political muscle we had to blow up the tourism boycott and make it better,” recalled Feral. “We were told the state lost more than a million dollars in tourism revenues.”

      It was a strategy Feral and FoA never forgot and has become part of the fabric of the organization. “When you go to the wall and keep applying creative pressure—that persistence, perseverance and tenacity will pay off. Can we say our style as a pressure group always pays off? In Alaska, it did.”

       Accomplishments from the last 6 decades

       1957–1960 FoA became the leading force for preventing the births of too many dogs and cats and their mass killings in shelters by administering a nationwide low-cost spay-neuter program to help rescue groups and pet-owners avoid the high costs of altering. FoA has made possible more than 2.7 million procedures, continuing at a pace of close to 28,000 procedures annually.

      1960s 1966, FoA established a legislative arm of the organization to better assist with humane legislation. Today the Wildlife Law Program has its own offices in Denver, Colo. In 1968, FoA led the movement to end the seal kill in Alaska. Also FoA sought prohibitions on the exploitive practices of hunting, trapping, poisoning and killing animals for fur.  

      1970s FoA initiated the movement in Congress to protect whales, sea lions, walruses, porpoises and other marine animals, which resulted in the 1972 passage of the Marine Mammal Protection Act. FoA also campaigned successfully to ban the catching of tuna with dolphin-killing nets. FoA was the first national group to hold anti-fur protests to pressure the public into understanding wearing animals’ skins is no longer morally defensible.  

      This resulted in an unsuccessful lawsuit from NY furriers. FoA was the first animal advocacy group to expose factory farming as a result of its investigative writing, and in 1975 issued a 24-page pamphlet recommending complete relief from participation in the business of confining, breeding, rearing and slaughter of food products. By 1979, our magazine was pointing to animal farming as the cause of a host of ecological, environmental and social ills.

      1980s FoA successfully lobbied the Foreign Relations Committee to end the commercial fur treaty between the USA, USSR, Japan and Canada that required the annual slaughter of approximately 25,000 fur seals on their Pribilof Island breeding grounds in Alaska. (FoA filmed the seal kill in the 1970s and observed it again in 1979 to bolster our lobbying arguments against the kill.) In 1989, FoA drafted the successful proposal that included African elephants on Appendix I of CITES, the endangered species treaty, which stopped all legal trade in ivory. FoA began lobbying in the northeast to protect mute swans from nest destruction, egg addling and hunting, which have all been considered as wildlife “management” schemes.

      1990s In 1991, FoA accepted more than 50 U.S. military surplus patrol vehicles and significant quantities of radio and field equipment from the U.S. Department of Defense for refurbishing and distribution among wildlife conservation agencies of 10 African countries to bolster anti-poaching patrols. In 1996, FoA delivered a Zenair airplane to Ghana Wildlife Service for anti-poaching patrols; trained pilots and provided spare parts. FoA’s 1992 tourism boycott of Alaska prompted the state to end its official wolf control program. We also ended coyote killing efforts in a Northwest National Wildlife Refuge, and contributed to the successful effort that opposed and prevented oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska.

      2000 In 2005, FoA wrote and published its first vegan cookbook. In 2006, FoA and others sued the Fish and Wildlife Service of the Department of Interior on the grounds that the Service unlawfully exempted U.S.-bred scimitar-horned oryx, addax, and dama gazelles from prohibitions against harming, harassing, pursuing, hunting, shooting, wounding, killing, trapping, capturing, or collecting endangered species. FoA won the case in 2009. The Court ruled that FWS violated the ESA by issuing a blanket exemption allowing trophy hunting at U.S. ranches of endangered African antelopes and required ranchers to obtain permits. In 2007, FoA halted the state of Alaska’s wolf bounty program through successful litigation.

      2010-PRESENT In July of 2014, the first shark species was listed under the Endangered Species Act in response to a 2011 petition by Friends of Animals. The National Marine Fisheries Service listed four populations of scalloped hammerhead shark under the ESA because of severe threats posed by human exploitation. In 2015 FoA drafted Cecil’s Law, which would ban the importation, sale, possession and transportation of African elephants, lions, leopards, and black and white rhinos and their body parts. The legislation has been introduced in Connecticut and New York. Friends of Animals’ successful litigation for wild horses in 2015, 2016 and 2017 is notable: FoA halted a 5-year fertility control program targeting Nevada’s Rocky Hill herd; prevented the gruesome wild mare sterilization research project in Oregon; stopped Wyoming’s anti-wild horse agenda; protected Montana’s beloved Pryor Mountain Herd from future assault; stopped the forced drugging of Nevada’s Pine Nut Herd with fertility control, twice; and helped ensure Arizona’s Salt River wild horses remain free.

      On Nov. 28, 2016, NY Gov. Andrew Cuomo signed the Swan Bill—created with input from Friends of Animals and ornithologists—which was created to save the state’s 2,200 mute swans from a government-sanctioned death sentence. In March of 2017, thanks to FoA’s legal intervention, the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals overturned a 2014 decision by a federal district judge in Utah that sought to strip the Utah prairie dog of federal protection under the Endangered Species Act (ESA). Not only did this outcome protect Utah’s prairie dogs, it prevented anti-wildlife, pro-property plaintiffs from destroying the ESA.


      In March, the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals overturned a 2014 decision by a federal district judge in Utah that sought to strip the Utah prairie dog of federal protection under the Endangered Species Act (ESA). Judge Dee Benson had ruled that Congress exceeded its authority under the U.S. Constitution when it authorized the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service to prohibit the killing or harassment of Utah prairie dogs on public lands.


      The federal district court had adopted a species-by-species approach, arguing that the federal government had to first demonstrate that a species had value in interstate commerce before it could protect the species under the ESA. The Tenth Circuit, agreeing with other federal courts, rejected this species-specific approach.


      “This is a huge victory for Utah prairie dogs and the ESA,” says Michael Harris, director of Friends of Animals’ Wildlife Law Program. Friends of Animals (FoA) immediately intervened in a 2013 lawsuit brought by People for the Ethical Treatment of Property Owners (PETPO) challenging the USFWS’ decision to list the Utah prairie dog as a threatened species, as it restricted what landowners can do in regards to managing the species on private land.


      In Tenth Circuit opinion, authored by Judge Jerome Holmes, the court concluded that under the Commerce Clause of the Constitution, Congress can extend protection to any species, regardless of its specific commercial value, because such regulation “is an essential part of a broader regulatory scheme that substantially affects interstate commerce.” Indeed, as the court made clear, in passing the ESA, Congress specifically sought to both place a “short-term” brake on human economic activity that threatened the existence of species like the Utah prairie dog and to promote “long-term” sustainable commerce by conserving individual species and their habitats.


      “On display in this case is an ongoing, fundamental dispute over the value of America’s natural heritage,” Harris says. “On one side, a minority of private property owners and some state governments appear to view members of the animal kingdom as being valueless and unworthy of protection unless they can be reduced to mere ‘commodities.’ Accordingly, in their view, if an animal cannot be sold or traded, then it is no more than a mere pest to be eradicated to make way for human development.


      “On the other side, Friends of Animals, numerous scientists and millions of Americans  recognize that protection of all members of the North American biota— from the smallest fungi to the greatest of mammals— is essential to biodiversity and to human economic health.” “The reality is that the Utah prairie dog, like many other animals, is worthy of protection from human destruction because they are unique individuals capable of living meaningful lives,” says Priscilla Feral, president of Friends of Animals.


      “These are some of the most intelligent, social animals in the world. Moreover, the Utah prairie dogs’ value in maintaining the health of western grassland ecosystems is immeasurable.” In addition to protecting the Utah prairie dog, the Tenth Circuit also prevented the ESA from a lingering death at the hands of anti-wildlife, pro-property activists like the plaintiffs in this case. “While PETPO asserts it is only trying to reduce regulation of Utah prairie dogs on their private lands, the reality is that PETPO and their allies’ true agenda is to blow a massive hole through the ESA,” states Harris. “If the lower court’s decision was left in place, protections of more than a third of all threatened and endangered species in the United States would have been in jeopardy.”




      In March, Friends of Animals (FoA) obtained another remarkable victory for wild horses—the organization challenged one of the largest wild horse roundups in Wyoming’s Red Desert Complex and won. In 2016, the U.S. Bureau of Land Management (BLM) authorized the roundup and removal of 2,096 wild horses from the Lost Creek, Stewart Creek, Antelope Hills, Crooks Mountain and Green Mountain Herd Management Areas in south central and central Wyoming. The agency’s decision also allowed the forced drugging with fertility control of some mares to be released back to the HMAs.


      “Friends of Animals challenged the agency’s decision because, among other things, BLM failed to consider the impact of its decision on the unique Iberian genotype of these wild horse herds,” said Jennifer Best, associate attorney for FoA’s Wildlife Law Program. “Our lawsuit argued that BLM had committed to preserve this genotype and was legally required to consider how its decision would impact these distinct wild horses.”


      The Court vacated and remanded BLM’s decision, meaning BLM cannot remove these horses until it goes back to analyze the potential impact of roundups on the special genotype of these horses and issues a new decision.


      “BLM has committed in its Range Management Plans to engage in management practices, monitoring and analyses to help assure a sufficient prevalence of these historically important breeds,” noted Judge Nancy Freudenthal. “BLM should not ignore such promises during periodic gathers, risking the loss of significant genetic resources.”




      In March, a federal judge in Portland, Oregon, granted a request by Friends of Animals (FoA) to undertake questioning of Bureau of Land Management (BLM) officials in the form of interrogatories and depositions regarding an “emergency removal” the agency undertook on the Three Fingers Horse Management Area (HMA) in eastern Oregon.


      As a result of a brush fire that impacted the northern portion of this HMA, BLM removed 150 horses without complying with federal law, and refused any request by FoA to put the horses back now that the land is recovering from the fire. This is a huge first step toward stopping BLM from claiming that emergency situations require that horses be permanently removed from the wild. FoA intends to demonstrate that BLM can use less permanent and severe means of protecting horses from threats—measures that will keep horses wild.


      Specifically, the judge has ordered BLM to comply with requests from FoA to determine whether: (1) the removed horses can be returned to the Three Fingers HMA after post-fire restoration has been completed; (2) unburned portions of the HMA can support additional horses; (3) fencing is a viable alternative to removal to protect the fire-damaged areas from wild horses; and (4) supplemental food and water can be provided to keep wild horses from returning to the fire damaged areas.


      Since FoA commenced a legal campaign in January 2015 to protect America’s wild horses, BLM has engaged in dozens of illegal roundups, resulting in thousands of horses being violently removed from the wild and placed in BLM-run detention centers.


      Through legal action, FoA has successfully stopped such roundups in Arizona, Nevada, Wyoming and Montana, and we have additional lawsuits making way through the federal courts involving horses in Colorado, Utah and Oregon. Sadly, each time we prevail in court, BLM comes up with a new way to avoid complying with the federal Freeroaming, Wild Horse and Burro Act and the National Environmental Policy Act. The most widely-used method of avoiding these laws is through the use of so-called “Emergency Action.”


      Since summer of 2016, BLM has engaged in numerous wild horse round-ups by claiming some sort of imminent threat to the horses, usually due to the horses coming to close to roads or suffering from lack of food. While in some cases risks are present to the horses, the fact of the matter is that BLM is merely using the situation as an excuse to permanently remove horses from the land without complying with the law.


      How do we know this? Because in each and every case that BLM has declared an “emergency” the agency has not once considered any solution short of permanent removal. FoA has repeatedly asked BLM why it cannot take less drastic measures to protect the horses, such as providing supplemental food, using fencing to protect the horses, or even using temporary removals until the emergency is abated. Every time BLM refuses to consider any option short of permanently subjecting the horses to confinement in dreadful holding facilities.




      Following a lawsuit filed by international animal advocacy group Friends of Animals, in May the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) cancelled its five-year remote darting program that would have forcibly drugged Nevada’s Rocky Hill wild horses with fertility control.


      “This is a significant victory for Nevada’s wild horses because it was a five-year fertility control plan,” said Michael Harris, director of Friends of Animals’ Wildlife Law Program. “What is ignored by the pro-fertility control community is that wild horses darted with PZP to inhibit their ability to naturally reproduce aren’t really, well, wild anymore.


      “The solution to any perceived wild horse crisis in Nevada is not to simply prescribe a drug. If wild horses, along with other wild animals in the West, are to be saved, we must change the unsustainable method of land use planning that we have created for our public lands. Wild horses and other wildlife deserve their own lands to call home.”


      Since the BLM caters to the cattle and sheep ranching industry, it has created an artificially low appropriate management level for the Rocky Hills Herd Management Area (HMA). A measly 86-143 wild horses are deemed appropriate for the HMA, which consists of 83,988 acres. If that’s not staggering enough, the bombshell in this case is that the Humane Society of the United States (HSUS), which claims to advocate for the protection of wild horses and burros, intervened in Friends of Animals’ original appeal and petition to suspend BLM’s Aug. 2016 decision on behalf of the BLM, showing its true colors—that one of the nation’s wealthiest animal charities buys into the myth perpetuated by cattle and sheep ranchers that there are too many wild horses on federal public lands.


      HSUS is the registrant of the fertility control drugs PZP and ZonaStat-H. However when HSUS obtained EPA registration, the organization never provided evidence that the birth control doesn’t have negative side effects…it just provided information about its efficacy and actually requested waivers for most of the studies ordinarily required from an applicant seeking pesticide registration—including a toxicity study, ecological effects and environmental fate guideline study.


      The majority of research submitted by HSUS did not consider the biological, social and behavioral effects the drug can have on wild horses. More recent research has demonstrated repeated applications of PZP can cause physical damage to treated mares; it is not completely reversible; it can increase mortality in foals post-PZP effectiveness; and it interferes with herd cohesion, which is critical to the overall health of wild horses. In addition, preventing mares from producing foals can create a genetic bottleneck that may ultimately extinguish the species as a whole.


      No public comment or notice was given before the BLM’s decision about the Rocky Hills HMA was made. Furthermore, the BLM did not prepare a project-specific Environmental Assessment (EA) to inform this decision; instead, BLM completed a Determination of NEPA Adequacy (DNA), in which it concluded that the Fertility Control Darting Project


      “is essentially similar to an alternative analyzed in the prior National Environmental Protection Act (NEPA) documents,” and the effects of the Project “are similar to those disclosed” in the 2010 Callaghan Complex EA, so no further NEPA analysis was necessary.”


      “We were repulsed from the beginning that HSUS would condone BLM’s failure to comply with federal law, specifically NEPA,” said Priscilla Feral, president of Friends of Animals. “But bolstered by this victory, FoA marches on in its fight to keep the wild in wilderness and to make sure our federal public lands do not become zoo-like settings.”

    • It feels like a staggering accomplishment to have been aware of and immersed in this glorious, independent, unique animal advocacy organization since 1969—12 years after its founder Alice Herrington incorporated Friends of Animals (FoA) in New York City In 1969, I found this unusual group through Betty Long, one of FoA’s spay-neuter volunteers in Westport, Conn., who gave lectures over the phone about not being lazy—to ensure that each cat or dog we acquired be surgically sterilized through FoA’s affordable breeding control program.

      Because she sold me spay-neuter certificates, I drove 40 minutes to Dr. George Whitney’s veterinary office in Orange, so he’d spay or neuter the two orange-colored kittens I adopted.   These were my first adopted cats after leaving college and home.

      Living on a shoe-string budget, the cost break from acquiring FoA’s certificates was lifesaving, plus Betty’s lecture about preventing the births of unwanted puppies and kittens made an impression. That’s when I joined FoA as a member.  

      In the early 1970s, I admired FoA’s unduplicated, bold efforts to challenge hunting, fur trapping, seal and whale killing, so-called humane slaughter, and I admired its lobbying efforts in D.C., which helped pass The Endangered Species Act and the Marine Mammal Protection Act.  Herrington didn’t waste energies mitigating or regulating atrocities against animals. Whether deer were hunted with guns or bow and arrows, she condemned the violence on moral grounds. As a trained statistician, she’d assail a government agency’s bad science and technical errors for justifying carnage, whether it was fur seals on Alaska’s Pribilof Islands, Alaska’s wolves or other animals suffering from cruelty.

      Then in November 1974, after a friend doing pro bono work for FoA urged me to interview with FoA for an opening for a public information director, I popped into New York City, and interviewed with Herrington, who asked me one question, “What animals do you like?”  I realized she was uncomfortable with small talk, impatient over interviewing me, but with her large, circular eyeglasses, which revealed her affinity for owls, she sized me up.

      I said I loved all animals—from tadpoles to elephants—and that my work for advancing women’s rights related to defending animals whose suffering couldn’t be justified for pleasure, amusement or convenience.  I was hired, warned not to ask too many questions and started a commute to New York City for the next few years.

      My first assignment was to stage an anti-fur protest outside the entrance of the ASPCA’s fur fashion show luncheon on Fifth Avenue.  No problem, I said, after learning how rabbits, like the ones trapped in steel-jawed leghold traps, had died.  My mother bought me a rabbit fur in 1969, and this garment had hung in the basement, so I streaked it with red lipstick and dragged it in a leghold trap outside the luncheon. ASPCA members in attendance found the stunt eye-opening and the group’s president later joined other anti-fur demonstrations we organized in the heart of the fur industry.

      Friends of Animals found its sea legs by the mid-1970s-80’s by being the first group to expose factory farming, and taking it a step further. We said we should not eat animals, and that regulating husbandry or slaughter doesn’t bring chickens, pigs, cows or others closer to animal rights. Incremental progress, we stressed, for liberating animals does happen with education, one person or one group at a time, and by the 1990s our vegan advocacy work was defined with behind the scenes exposés of so-called free-range egg operations and more.

      Then FoA began educating the public about the moral, environmental and physical benefits of a plant-based, vegan diet.  I authored and published two vegan cookbooks for FoA in 2005 and 2009, and in 2015 released For the Love of Dog Biscuits to benefit our four-legged friends.  In January 1987, Herrington retired and I was elected to take the reins as FoA’s president.

      Nicole Rivard’s stories inside this issue of Action Line delve into several of FoA’s accomplishments over the last 60 years through our eyes and from the views of several, wonderful, longtime members. Working in the animal rights movement transforms us and everyone who supports us. Initially we connect with folks to anguish, and to talk about problems and what we believe about environmental justice and animals.

      This helps us figure things out. Movements allow problems to be collective and thus provide support and energy to keep going and growing. They also give us a reason to hope, and to see that it is possible to remake a culture.

      Friends of Animals has worked for six decades to change the world for animals, and the support you offer us is the rocket fuel for this goodness and much more.

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